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Sectarian Murder in Syria: Rogue Militias or Policy From Damascus?

by The Cradle’s Syria Correspondent, published on The Cradle, January 29, 2025

Nearly two months after the toppling of the Syrian government by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham-led (HTS) extremist forces, the western countryside of Homs has been gripped by a brutal security campaign marked by grave human rights violations, including field executions, looting, public humiliation, sectarian insults, and indiscriminate arrests. 

These atrocities were carried out by the interim government’s Military Operations Department under the pretext of searching for wanted individuals and seizing weapons, but the campaign swiftly descended into lawlessness.

Mass executions and public killings

At least 50 unarmed civilians were executed in cold blood as armed elements stormed villages. Eyewitnesses recount harrowing tales of men dragged from their homes, summarily shot, and left on the roadside. The so-called security forces paraded their dominance by firing into the air and deploying heavy weaponry like DShK machine guns in residential areas, instilling terror before searches even began.

The “Civil Peace Group – Homs” documented numerous violations, including detainees being forced to mimic animal sounds for their captors’ amusement – grotesque echoes of past abuses under the former government, now widely circulated on social media as examples of the so-called ‘free Syria.’

One widely circulated video shows an armed militiaman addressing a group of detainees with sectarian threats, promising execution. Another clip captures a man being shot in the lower back while lying face down in Khirbet Hamam. In the same village, the body of a young man arrested during a sweep was later discovered at a crossroads with Al-Ghazila.

However, the violations in the western countryside of Homs were “more severe and cruel,” according to a statement by the Civil Peace Group.

Eyewitness testimonies present a bleak picture of what happened. Mahmoud, from the village of Fahil, tells The Cradle how two young men were shot dead in public when a passenger bus arrived in the village. The vehicle was stopped and searched, and the two young men, one an engineer and the other an employee in Damascus Electricity, were ordered to get off the bus to be publicly executed. 

People were prevented by the armed factions from using phones to document the crime. Mahmoud adds that the number of deaths in the village is uncertain, as he saw bodies lying on the edges of the roads, and the armed militants prevented the people from reaching them.

Ahmed, from the same village, describes how the initial search, which was handled respectfully, disintegrated into a wave of violence and intimidation by gunmen who identified themselves as HTS affiliates and proceeded to beat the elderly, harass women, and voice sectarian insults. Ahmed points out that the locals identified at least 20 people who were killed during this operation, and the bodies of some of them are still dumped in various places in the village.

These violations were not limited to villages with a Alawite majority, but also affected villages inhabited by members of the Murshidiya sect. In Maryamin, a central Syrian village near the Hama–Homs border, armed factions desecrated religious sites and cemeteries, executed four civilians, and subjected residents to severe beatings and humiliation. Witnesses describe a recurring pattern: the initial arrival of “disciplined” forces who conduct searches with apparent professionalism, followed by masked, “undisciplined” factions that carry out killings, kidnappings, and looting with impunity.

Lack of accountability and leadership’s role

Sources tell The Cradle that de facto ruler and commander of military operations, Ahmad al-Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammed al-Julani, is well informed of the massacres and killings of Alawite and Shia citizens. 

One source reports that Sharaa told him point blank that he considers this violence to be a legitimate act of revenge that will go unchecked for the foreseeable future: 

This (the killings) is normal and may continue for two or three years,” Sharaa explained.

It is worth noting that among the dead are civilians who did not join the ranks of the Syrian army and had no role under former president Bashar al-Assad. 

Sharaa’s reaction and his intention not to take any action to prevent these operations is surprising only because he has repeatedly presented himself as the builder of a modern Syria for all Syrians, without persecution of minorities, while what is actually happening is that these crimes have transformed from acts of revenge into sectarian acts and identity-related murders.

The campaign’s chaotic nature raises serious questions about the chain of command. Are these rogue elements acting on their own, or is leadership deliberately turning a blind eye – or even sanctioning these acts? The excuse of “individual misconduct” has become a convenient cover for widespread atrocities, from execution-style killings to the ransacking of homes and businesses.

Reports from across the governorate reveal civilians being insulted, beaten, and robbed of valuables, including livestock. In one documented case in Maryamin, masked gunmen entered the home of a man identified as Y.M., stole his gold, and forced him to kneel while beating him in front of his wife and children.

The governor of Homs reportedly visited the affected villages, issuing a weak condemnation of the “abuse of religious sanctities” and blaming “criminal groups impersonating security personnel.”

Meanwhile, the Civil Peace Group has called for urgent intervention, demanding that Red Crescent and Civil Defense teams accompany any future security operations. They also urged authorities to allow independent media to document events and ensure transparency. 

Growing sectarian fears on Syria’s coast 

While Latakia and Tartous remain relatively stable, the violence in Homs has stoked fears of sectarian reprisals, particularly against Alawites. The collapse of state authority has led to kidnappings, targeted killings, and revenge attacks. 

Munther, a resident of Latakia, describes to The Cradle the growing anxiety within the Alawite community, fearing that “undisciplined groups” will spark retaliatory violence similar to that seen in Homs. He recalls past incidents, including the assassination of three civilian judges in the Masyaf countryside and the murder of unarmed Alawite citizens in Jableh. 

This fear is compounded by recent events, such as the killing of Yusuf al-Kibi in Tartous earlier this month. Kibi and his friend Ali Saqour were attacked by members of HTS at a chalet on Dream Beach. Following a verbal altercation, an HTS member shot Kibi dead, justifying the murder by accusing him of blasphemy. 

The perpetrators fled, leaving behind a community gripped by fear, especially after reports emerged of them carrying an Islamic State flag. Authorities attempted to downplay the incident, claiming it was the result of “an exchange of fire” – a version contradicted by multiple eyewitnesses who insist Kibi was unarmed and executed at point-blank range.

In the same context, the coastal city of Jableh in Syria recently witnessed widespread controversy following a party described as “preaching” organized by a person named Abu Sufyan al-Jabalawi, which included religious sermons described as extremist, raising concerns among the people of the mixed-sects town. 

Abu Sufyan, who attended in his Afghan uniform, is known for his religious extremism. He organized this meeting without obtaining approval from the political or military leadership, and he was later arrested by Public Security personnel, demonstrating minimal effort to maintain order.

Speaking to The Cradle, Nisreen, a resident of the countryside of Tartous, voices a broader concern about the possibility of “holding the innocent accountable along with the guilty.” In a country without functioning legal institutions, the distinction between perpetrators and bystanders is often blurred, leading to collective punishment. 

The absence of a credible judiciary has turned armed factions into judge, jury, and executioner. With figures like Justice Minister Shadi Mohammad al-Waisi, a former Nusra Front judge, overseeing the legal system, there is little hope for genuine accountability or justice. Without real mechanisms for accountability, Syria risks descending further into a culture of impunity and revenge – a cycle that threatens any hope for lasting civil peace.

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